77 William Cullen Bryant, Joseph Smith, Thomas Cole, and the early 19th-Century debate over Mound Builders

Joel Gladd

The purpose of this chapter is to provide an introduction to a few key artists associated with early American Romanticism, especially William Cullen Bryant and Thomas Cole. Like British Romanticism, this movement was not entirely unified. It’s a retrospective label that glosses over the complexity of the period. But it’s a helpful heuristic for identifying a movement that bridges the folklore sketches of Washington Irving and the Transcendentalism of Ralph Waldo Emerson–who is typically seen as ushering in a distinctively American flavor of Romanticism. Figures like Bryant were instrumental in transporting Romantic ideas, themes, and strategies to the U.S.

This chapter also focuses on a peculiar phenomenon during the early 1830s: the popular debate over the “Mound Builders,” presumed by many early 19th-century Americans to be an ancient North American civilization that had no connection with the contemporary natives. This phenomenon helps bring together many of the major thinkers during this era of Jacksonian Democracy, including Jackson himself, but also Thomas Jefferson, Bryant, Thomas Cole, and Joseph Smith. Tracking how the poetry of Bryant intersected with Jackson’s Indian Removal Act of 1830, Joseph Smith’s publication of The Book of Mormon in the same year, and meditations by Thomas Cole on the same debate helps appreciate how emerging artistic, political, and religious innovations all responded to the same exigence.

Bryant’s “Thanatopsis” (1811, 1817) and the pantheistic current in American Romanticism

During the same years Washington Irving was drafting and preparing his Sketchbook stories for publication, another New Yorker was experimenting with innovations in iambic verse poetry, which had recently been popularized by the British Romantic poets. This American poet, William Cullen Bryant, was particularly fond of Wordsworth’s Lyrical Ballads and The Prelude and eager to use that lyrical framework as a way to translate his own experience.

Bryant’s first great poetic contribution to the rapidly growing U.S. was “Thanatopsis,” first published in 1817, originally drafted around 1811. “Thanatopsis” is a meditation on death and sublimity that taps into the 18th-century Graveyard poets as well as more recent romantics such as Robert Southey.

From Bryant’s “Thanatopsis” (1817)
                                     Yet a few days, and thee
The all-beholding sun shall see no more
In all his course; nor yet in the cold ground,
Where thy pale form was laid, with many tears,
Nor in the embrace of ocean, shall exist
Thy image. Earth, that nourished thee, shall claim
Thy growth, to be resolved to earth again,
And, lost each human trace, surrendering up
Thine individual being, shalt thou go
To mix for ever with the elements,
To be a brother to the insensible rock
And to the sluggish clod, which the rude swain
Turns with his share, and treads upon. The oak
Shall send his roots abroad, and pierce thy mould. (lns 18-31)
In stark contrast to the rhymed heroic couplets of neo-classical poets such as Phyllis Wheatley, the form is blank verse (unrhymed iambic pentameter), similar to William Wordsworth’s experimental Romantic poem “Tintern Abbey.”
From Wordsworth’s “Tintern Abbey” (1798)
Five years have past; five summers, with the length
Of five long winters! and again I hear
These waters, rolling from their mountain-springs
With a soft inland murmur.—Once again
Do I behold these steep and lofty cliffs,
That on a wild secluded scene impress
Thoughts of more deep seclusion; and connect
The landscape with the quiet of the sky. (lns 1-8)

In both poems, the speaker is alone and facing nature. Wordsworth and Bryant’s poems can be classified as meditative poems in the pastoral mode (more on the pastoral below).

One key Romantic trope Bryant toys with in this pastoral poem is of a nature shorn of civilization. Nature is where history and individuals dissolve into a pure democracy of earth, roots, and soil. Whereas Anne Bradstreet’s proto-nature poem “Contemplations” views nature emblematically and transcends the materiality of everyday life, Bryant’s Romantic poem suggests “this great change of being” offers delight by itself. God is this flux, not above or outside of it, his dark meditation attempts to show.

In adapting the British pastoral and British Romantic aesthetics to the American experience, Bryant helped foster a burgeoning movement now called American Romanticism.

Bryant’s blank verse poem showed he was as comfortable adapting innovative verse as he was breaking from religious orthodoxy–as was true of the British Romantics as well. As Gilbert H. Muller explains, Bryant’s 1819 essay “On the Happy Temperament” offered a kind of defense of “Thanatopsis,” arguing for a stoical acceptance of transience and change.

Bryant’s later poetry would shift away from this sombre stoicism. In fact the quasi-pantheism of “Thanatopsis” offers a kind of liminal point for the movement, suggesting a religiously unorthodox path it might explore further, but one that Bryant no longer wished to take up. It feels utterly non-Calvinistic, more akin to the embrace of cosmic materialism of De Rerum Natura by Lucretius than meditations on natural imagery in Psalms.

Bryant’s “The Prairies” (1832), The Mound-Builders, and the March of Civilization 

Besides “Thanatopsis,” Bryant is most known for another blank verse poem “The Prairies,” published in 1832 after traveling from Washington to Illinois. “The Prairies” includes a number of strategies and allusions that will be particularly important at this moment in American literature.

One of the most relevant contextual factors is debates of the native peoples in antebellum America. Part of the debate was a broader political understanding about whether they were destined to play a role in the future of the U.S.

President Andrew Jackson’s 1830 Indian Removal Act was announced just two years before Bryant’s publication of “The Prairies.” In his speech to Congress in 1830, Jackson argued that removing the natives from their Eastern lands to designated plots in the West was the best thing for both natives and white settlers:

It gives me pleasure to announce to Congress that the benevolent policy of the Government, steadily pursued for nearly thirty years, in relation to the removal of the Indians beyond the white settlements is approaching to a happy consummation. …

It will separate the Indians from immediate contact with settlements of whites; free them from the power of the States; enable them to pursue happiness in their own way and under their own rude institutions; will retard the progress of decay, which is lessening their numbers, and perhaps cause them gradually, under the protection of the Government and through the influence of good counsels, to cast off their savage habits and become an interesting, civilized, and Christian community.

What good man would prefer a country covered with forests and ranged by a few thousand savages to our extensive Republic, studded with cities, towns, and prosperous farms embellished with all the improvements which art can devise or industry execute, occupied by more than 12,000,000 happy people, and filled with all the blessings of liberty, civilization and religion?[1]

This federal policy famously led to the “Trail of Tears” (Fig. 1).

trail of tears
Fig. 1. Map of the route of the Trails of Tears — depicting the route taken to relocate Native Americans from the Southeastern United States between 1836 and 1839. Wikimedia, Public Domain.

Undergirding Jackson’s speech is a story–a trope–of progress, from savage “rude institutions” to the “Christian community” of our “extensive Republic, studded with cities, towns, and prosperous farms … .” A version of this narrative–the march of civilization–had already been fully articulated by Jefferson in his 1824 letter to William Ludlow:

let a philosophic observer commence a journey from the savages of the Rocky mountains, Eastwardly towards our seacoast. these he would observe in the earliest stage of association living under no law but that of nature, subsisting and covering themselves with the flesh and skins of wild beasts. he would next find those on our frontiers in the pastoral state, raising domestic animals to supply the defects of hunting. then succeed our own semibarbarous citizens, the pioneers of the advance of civilisation, and so in his progress he would meet the gradual shades of improving man until he would reach his, as yet, most improved state in our seaport towns this in fact is equivalent to a survey, in time of the progress of man from the infancy of nation to the present day.[2]

Jefferson illustrates the march of progress geographically, from west to east, tracking the march of U.S. expansion. The edges of civilization were dominated by “savages,” then “semibarbarous” pioneers, then yeoman farmers, then seaport towns. Eventually, as the U.S. continued to expand, savages (who flourished in the untouched wilderness) would continue to give way to civilization.

Modern scholars tend to point out the obvious parallel between Puritan eschatology–the belief that their “city on a hill” project would usher in the Kingdom of God–and 19th-century narratives about progressive civilization. Jefferson, Jackson, and other 19th-century proponents of westward expansion can be interpreted as repurposing Puritan eschatology to help frame their “civilizing” policies. Many students are familiar with the term “manifest destiny.” That particular phrase was first used in 1845, but the actual concept has its roots in Jeffersonian civilization and Jacksonian ideas of progress.

How does this relate to “The Prairies”?

The same narrative of progress that fueled Jackson’s condescension towards present-day indigenous tribes also framed early 19th-century responses to emerging archaeological evidence that something akin to a civilization had permeated North America. Archeologists, poets, and politicians all became fascinated by large “mounds” and geographical “tumuli” dotting the landscape east of the Mississippi, congregating in places like Ohio.

Famous travelers, geographers, and archaeologists began to associate the mounds with an ancient “Mound-Builder” civilization that, they speculated, pre-dated Roman civilization. One of the most famous mound still visible today is the “Serpent Mound” in southeastern Ohio (Fig. 2).

File:The Great Serpent Mound.jpg
Fig. 2. This image was taken in July, 2013, and shows the entirety of The Great Serpent Mound located near Peebles, Ohio, United States. From left, the image shows the serpent’s triple-coiled tail, follows its writhing body northward and ends at the effigy’s open-mouthed head (in the distance at the right side of the photograph). From Wikimedia, Public Domain.

Although Spanish colonizers knew of the Mound-Builders around the 16th-century, it wasn’t until around 1800 that these indigenous artifacts began to capture the broader American imagination.

A full introduction to the relationship between the Mound-Builders and American literature around this time can be found in the article, “Mound-Builders, Mormons, and William Cullen Bryant.” Similar information can be found on the open access website, “The Moundbuilders’ Art,” which I highly recommend. I’ll summarize some of the important points here:

  • Hernando de Soto, a Spanish conquistador, stumbled across Mound-Builder peoples during his travels through the southeastern U.S. in 1540-1542. Some mid 18th-century accounts suggest these mounds were known by colonial writers, but one of the earliest U.S. accounts was in 1795 by Jacob Bailey, followed later by Benjamin Smith Barton’s “Observations and Conjectures concerning Certain Articles which Were Taken out of an Ancient Tumulus … at Cincinnati,” published in 1799.
  • These observations during the U.S. New Republic were based on massive earthen mounds that contained relics from ancient and more recent indigenous civilizations. Two of the most famous were “Serpent Mound,” from Ohio, and “Marks Mound,” in Illinois near the Mississippi.
  • As researchers and writers became aware of these native formations, they began to speculate on what kind of civilization made them, and whether those peoples were related to the present (savage) natives. It gradually became obvious that the native populations must have numbered in the millions and many areas considered “wilderness” were in fact heavily settled. Alexander Bradford and others used this evidence to speculate that “great empires” must have flourished in America.

How did this evidence of an ancient civilization (not “just huts”) mesh with 19th-century tropes about the march of civilization?

The solution, for most, was to separate the ancient civilization(s) from the natives they observed around them. Nearly all well-known writers argued the Mound Builders were dead and had no relation to the present natives, whom they considered “savage” and incapable of complex civilization. Many of the archaeologists concluded that the Mound-Builders must have been from a now-extinct race. Due to their beliefs about the present natives and the destiny of white settlers, many archaeologists and popular writers in the early 19th-century eagerly embraced the belief that the Mound-Builders were an ancient civilization that disappeared long ago, most likely due to savage aggression by the present natives.

Bryant’s poem: After Bryant visited the prairies of Illinois around 1832 and became familiar with the Mound-Builders, he wrote “The Prairies,” a poem that alludes to the mounds and the story of an ancient people being wiped out by savage natives.

As o’er the verdant waste I guide my steed,
Among the high rank grass that sweeps his sides
The hollow beating of his footsteps seems
A sacrilegious sound. I think of those
Upon whose rest he tramples. Are they here—
The dead of other days?—and did the dust
Of these fair solitudes once stir with life
And burn with passion? Let the mighty mounds
That overlook the rivers, or that rise
In the dim forest crowded with old oaks,
Answer. A race, that long has passed away,
Built them;—a disciplined and populous race
Heaped, with long toil, the earth, while yet the Greek
Was hewing the Pentelicus to forms
Of symmetry, and rearing on its rock
The glittering Parthenon. These ample fields
Nourished their harvest, here their herds were fed,
When haply by their stalls the bison lowed,
And bowed his maned shoulder to the yoke.

In the passage above, the “race, that long has passed away” alludes to the Mound-Builders. The rest of the poem tells the story of how they were wiped out by a more brutal, more savage race.

“The Prairies” and the georgic mode: Although Bryant’s 1832 poem is considered “Romantic” and probably also a nature poem, Bryant taps into a classical tradition known as the “georgic mode.

According to Kevis Goodman’s very excellent Georgic Modernity and British Romanticism, the “georgic mode” flourished throughout the 18th-century and even informed much of early Romanticism. The georgic mode was rediscovered as a helpful technique for interrogating the past. Poets exploited the mode to toy with the relationship between the past and present. These poems also interrogated the relationship between labor and nature.

The term “georgic” gets its namesake from Virgil’s Georgics, published around 29 BCE. Whereas Virgil’s Eclogues established conventions related to the pastoral mode (more evident in “Thanatopsis”), depicting shepherds’ distance from urban toils as the ideal way to live, the Georgics embraced labor and agriculture as positive pursuits. They offer meditations on the relationship between human civilization and nature, as well as the past and the present. From a literary point of view, it’s often suggested that the pastoral mode tends to be ahistorical, while georgics are more historical and temporally focused.

At the end of Book I, Virgil contemplates the death of Julius Caesar and the profound impact it had on nature. The violence culminates with Roman legions being slaughtered, after which Virgil contemplates the future discovery of their battle:

There, at some future day, as famers toil
With the curved plough to break that fatal soil;
Spear-heads, with rust deep-canker’d, shall be found,
And ponderous rakes on empty helmets sound;
While in rent graves their wondering eyes will trace
The mighty relics of a former race. (Georgics, I.493-97)

The poetic image above depicts farmers unearthing the past, upturning relics such as “spear-heads,” signs of earlier battles. Goodman’s Georgic Modernity calls this image the “trope of overturning.” The contemporary world is overturned, furrowed into the ground, reappearing underneath as something different, refracted, and how seen from a distance–as past. The georgic mode allows the poet’s world to be examined with fresh eyes, differently or critically. Furrowing the present into the ground as past interrogates it

The role of the critic, Goodman argues, is to recover the poet’s present in the past they represent or mythologize. But Goodman also adds that, as history reappears (as “spear-heads” re-emerge), it emerges in a disturbing manner, almost sensorially. It feels noisome and prickly. In other words, the paradox of the georgic mode is that, in burying the present into the past and allowing it to then re-emerge, it becomes even more real that it was formerly. The georgic mode is how writers gain access to the present–always through this complex mediation. We might also add: critics should be on the lookout for what kind of future the poem implies.

In discovering the “ancient race” beneath the tumuli that dot the speaker’s gaze, what kind of present and future is Bryant arguing for in “The Prairies”?

Mound Builders in Joseph Smith’s The Book of Mormon

One of the most influential texts that seems to have responded to the mound-builder myths around this time was published just two years before Bryant’s “The Prairies” and in the same year as Jackson’s Indian Removal Act. The book was called The Book of Mormon, published by Joseph Smith. As with Irving and Bryant, he was a New Yorker from the “Burned-over district“–a place rife with possibility and religious pluralism in antebellum America that was highly affected by the Second Great Awakening.

Central to early parts of The Book of Mormon is the story of an ancient people who predate the contemporary natives. Smith’s account adopts many of the popular beliefs about the natives, some of which will feel very similar to Bryant. Here’s a broad outline of The Book of Mormon, as it relates to the present-day native peoples and more ancient civilizations.

  • Shortly after building the Tower of Babel, one group of settlers from the Near East, the Jaredites, find their way from the Old World to the New and establish cities
  • Due to sin, they battle among themselves, and are exterminated in a battle near the hill Cumorah in Palmyra, New York. According to Ether 11:6, their homes become mere “heaps of earth upon the face of the land.”
  • The Jaredites leave golden tablets telling their history, which are found by the later immigrants–the Nephites and Lamanites, Israelites who escaped from Jerusalem just before its destruction by Nebuchadnezzar (around 600 BC).
  • These descendants learned how to build ships, cross the ocean, and settle in America. They build cities with fortifications, become rich, domesticate the native animals, and till the land.
  • Christ himself came to America to teach his Gospel, but the groups fell from the true faith and right living.
  • Lamanites were mostly ungodly and were given dark reddish skins as punishment. Those who were godly and joined the Nephites could recover their light color. Backsliding Nephites joined the more savage Lamanites.
  • Around 300 AD, after repeatedly straying from the Gospel and right living, the Lord destroyed the ancient civilization, largely through battles between the Lamanites and Nephites. The war culminated in a climactic battle, at the hill Cumorah. (some Mormons believe this is the same Cumorah hill as the Jaredites; others argue it’s a different hill with the same name)
  • The Nephites were largely exterminated by the savage Lamanites. The latter are the ancestors of the American Indians. In 421 AD, Moroni, the last of the Nephite scholars and priests, buries the records of his people on top of Cumorah.
  • Joseph Smith finds the records in 1827.

Like Bryant and others, The Book of Mormon separates modern-day indigenous peoples from the ancient peoples who left only “heaps of earth upon the face of the land.” The New World populations are split between the lighter-skinned, superior Nephites and the darker-skinned, more sinful Lamanites. The Nephites represent the now-extinct civilization. The Lamanites are, according to most Mormon accounts, ancestors of the contemporary natives (although there continues to be debate over the finer details, especially those that relate to contemporary indigenous peoples).

The Book of Mormon perfectly captures the complexity of America in the early 1830s. As Robert V. Remini summarizes in his biography of Joseph Smith:

[The Book of Mormon] is … an American work of the early nineteenth century. It has a distinctly American character. It is a story about people who crossed an ocean and settled in a wilderness. It is a story of bringing the Gospel to the Americas. It is a story that people of the Jacksonian era could easily relate to and understand. … Moreover, it radiates revivalist passion, frontier culture and folklore, popular concepts about Indians, and the democratic impulses and political movements of its time.[3]

Thomas Cole and the Mound-Builders

In 1836, Thomas Cole codified the Hudson River School’s Romantic approach to landscapes and scenery in his “Essay on American Scenery.”

We have many a spot as umbrageous as Vallombrosa, and as picturesque as the solitudes of Vaucluse; but Milton and Petrarch have not hallowed them by their footsteps and immortal verse. He who stands on Mont Albano and looks down on ancient Rome, has his mind peopled with the gigantic associations of the storied past; but he who stands on the mounds of the West, the most venerable remains of American antiquity, may experience the emotion of the sublime, but it is the sublimity of a shoreless ocean un-islanded by the recorded deeds of man.

Yet American scenes are not destitute of historical and legendary associations–the great struggle for freedom has sanctified many a spot, and many a mountain, stream, and rock has its legend, worthy of poet’s pen or the painter’s pencil. But American associations are not so much of the past as of the present and the future.

Cole mentions the sublime in connection with the mounds because, in European representations of the sublime, ancient ruins often stand in the distance, as though suggesting (in gothic form!) the present is somehow haunted by the past. Gothic cathedrals especially had this effect.

Cole suggests the “mounds of the West” perform a similarly gothic-sublime function. But then he qualifies: “but it is the sublimity of a shoreless ocean un-islanded by the recorded deeds of man.” What do you make of that statement?

What does become clear is that Cole next dismisses past relics as even worthy of serious consideration: “American associations are not so much of the past as of the present and the future.” This view of America as the future, unconstrained by ties to the past, usually seems liberating; but here, in the context of the mound-builders and the Indian removal policies of the Jackson administration in the 1830s, it might have a different flavor for some.

The painting “Kindred Spirits” (1849) (Fig. 3) depicts Thomas Cole standing next to William Cullen Bryant, in the Catskill Mountains–the same haunts of Washington Irving. In the background flows the Kaaterskill falls. Cole painted this location in 1826, with his painting Kaaterskill Falls (Fig. 4).

File:Kindred Spirits by Thomas Cole, 1849.JPG
Fig. 3. Kindred Spirits by Thomas Cole, 1849, oil on canvas, Crystal Bridges Museum of American Art. Wikimedia, Public Domain.
File:Cole, Thomas - Kaaterskill Falls.jpg
Fig. 4. Kaaterskill Falls, 1826. Wikimedia, Public Domain.

Bryant wrote his poem “Catterskill Falls” ten years later, in 1836. It begins:

Midst greens and shades the Catterskill leaps,
From cliffs where the wood-flower clings;
All summer he moistens his verdant steeps
With the sweet light spray of the mountain springs;
And he shakes the woods of the mountain side,
When they drip with the rains of autumn-tide.
But when, in the forest bare and old,
The blast of December calls,
He builds, in the starlight clear and cold,
A palace of ice where his torrent falls,
With turret, and arch, and fretwork fair,
And pillars blue as the summer air.

In these opening stanzas, Bryant depicts the waterfall as an architect, constructing a place for itself in the midst of winter. Just as Bryant and others saw the mound-builder civilizations as fated to be lost to the past, they looked to nature for creative inspiration.

The dynamic of lamenting a lost race that’s preserved by nature while also suggesting only nature can serve as the poet’s muse is one of the more difficult paradoxes permeating 1830s American Romanticism. The nature of Bryant, Smith, and Cole is simultaneously pure/wilderness-like and a site of historical violence. It’s beautiful and sublime, but possibly haunted. It can serve as the backdrop for the artist’s imagination, but it’s also ingenious and creative.

The ambiguities and paradoxes emerging from the early 19th-century responses to the Mound-Builders would be echoed by debates over the “rawness” of nature in 20th-century nature writing.


  1. President Jackson's Message to Congress "On Indian Removal", December 6, 1830; Records of the United States Senate, 1789‐1990; Record Group 46; Records of the United States Senate, 1789‐1990; National Archives and Records Administration (NARA)]
  2. “From Thomas Jefferson to William Ludlow, 6 September 1824,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/98-01-02-4523.
  3. Viking Penguin, England, 2002.